TUNIS, Dec 11, 2011 (IPS) – On the verge of officially forming a coalition government to run the country and rewrite the nations pre-revolution constitution, Tunisias dominant, Islamist political party Ennahda has come under fire for its economic neo-liberalism, both from opponents and from coalition partners.
After an election noted for its transparency, the major Tunisian parties are busy putting the finishing touches on the first democratic government in the nations history. The Islamist party Hizb Ennahda will get the most important positions, including the coveted post of prime minister.
A major reason for Ennahdas popularity is its history of resistance against the old dictatorship. Its supporters see it as both the party of Islam and the party of revolution and change. However, when it comes to issues concerning economics and international finance, it generally advocates continuing the generally neo-liberal policies of the former dictatorship.
Ennahda dominated the October elections, winning three times as many seats as the next most popular party. However, since Ennahda failed to win an absolute majority it was obliged to form a coalition with two centre-left parties Congres Pour le Republique (CPR) and Ettakatol.
These parties are officially secular, and have long been wary of Ennahdas Islamist background. However, recently these parties, other leftist groups and their supporters on the street have been increasingly criticising Ennahdas policies.
While Ennahda has been able to placate secularists by officially advocating personal and religious freedom, it is reaching out to the international financial community and huge business by pledging to counterbalance its left-wing coalition partners.
One high profile debate that has recently broken out between the leftists and Islamists in the governing coalition regards Tunisias international debt.
Tunisias deposed dictatorship took out numerous international loans from developed nations and international organisations. Much of this money went to actually developing Tunisia, but given the rampant corruption and cronyism of the old regime, it is widely believed that a significant portion of this money was misappropriated. Many Tunisians believe that it is unjust to anticipate them to pay back loans that enriched a dictator.
Responding to this popular outrage, figures within Tunisias largest secular party, the CPR, want to audit Tunisias international debt, and stop payment on the portion of this that was found to have been illicitly used by the old regime.
Speaking to IPS, CPR parliamentarian and economic committee member Mabruka Embarak spoke about her views on the issue of foreign debt in general. “We are trying to be as independent as we can from these international (lending) institutions…we have a huge problem of debt…we cant just take loans and not look at our previous debt.”
While making it clear she cant talk for Ennahda, she stated that the Islamist party “differs” with CPR on this issue.
Speaking from the Ennahda headquarters in Tunis, party representative Sayed Feyjani made it clear that Ennahda is committed to attracting foreign investment to the country. “Tunisia must be attractive to international investment. We should do everything we can do to avoid international debts, that is excellent, but…we are against dogma and we need investment and we need to seek (investment) from where ever it comes.”
While cancelling portions of the international debt may resonate among average Tunisians, many in Tunisias financial community find more common ground with Ennahda.
Fahdel Abdelkefi, president of the Tunisian stock exchange told IPS that he was impressed with Ennahdas ”extremely liberal” economic policies and hoped that they would balance out the more left-wing parties in their coalition.
Ennahda is generally seen here as a party of the working class, and their religious rhetoric has alienated many in the upper classes. Abdelkefi still expressed concerns about Ennahdas social policies, but clearly sees them as likely to stop any radical moves by its coalition partners.
This is especially true, he says, when it comes to freezing any of Tunisias foreign debt, a policy which he decries as “populism”. “Freezing the payment of foreign debt would be the biggest catastrophe a country like Tunisia could know” and would cause Tunisia to “lose its investment grade for quite some time.”
He believes that foreign debt is not significant enough to warrant such drastic action. “All foreign debt is not all that important, it only represents 20 percent of Tunisias GDP. Tunisia has the means and capacity to pay back its debt like an honest state.”
While Abdelkefi sees paying back the foreign debt as an issue of national integrity, many Tunisians resent the west for its decades of support for the former dictatorship, and feel that it is morally wrong to anticipate them to pay for the former ruling familys decadence.
The fact that Ennahda, despite its revolutionary credentials, has begun to look like the champion of huge business and international finance could harm its reputation as the party of the downtrodden.
Tunisia has a long tradition of a big public sector, and many Tunisians rely on extensive subsidies to survive. International lenders like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have long been calling on the Tunisian government to trim these government expenditures. However, during the dictatorship small changes in the price of bread led to massive, violent street protests.
Ennahda surely knows this, and Ennahda representative Sayed Feyjani told IPS that despite the desire to get loans and investment, the party would not impose radical liberalisation. “(Any deal with the IMF) will be a negotiation, we need the public sector, we need jobs, its easy as that…definitely we are not going to make people starve.” (END)
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